Social Housing FAQ — Housing Justice Montgomery
Access & Selection

Who gets in, and how?

HJM supports a transparent, publicly auditable selection process based on objective criteria: income level, current housing instability (homelessness, facing eviction, overcrowding), length of county residency, and special needs such as disability, senior status, or domestic violence survivor status. HJM specifically calls for prioritizing people experiencing homelessness, seniors, refugees, and domestic violence victims for housing support.

HJM also calls for reforming the HOC voucher program to improve transparency and program clarity, removing bureaucratic obstacles, and extending vouchers to non-HOC properties. Applications must be available in multiple languages, with housing counselors available to help residents navigate the process. The county should publish a real-time public dashboard of waitlist position and placement data.

This is one of HJM's most urgent concerns. Our Deeply Affordable Housing Plan calls for producing 20,000 units of deeply affordable housing by 2036, roughly 2,000+ units per year — precisely so housing between $0 and $1,000 in rent keeps becoming available every year. HJM also calls for more funding for rental support programs like HOC vouchers so that people with the greatest need can be housed immediately, without waiting for new construction.

Equally important, HJM demands that Emergency Rental Assistance programs be funded right now, and that the current requirement for eviction proceedings before qualifying be eliminated. People should be helped before they lose their homes, not after.

This is a core HJM goal. Our plan calls for providing housing at $0–$1,000 per month to families and individuals earning 50% below the median Montgomery County family income (roughly $60,000 or less), with costs tiered affordably above that threshold. We want to make sure people can maintain stable and affordable housing, so they can stay in their apartment even if they begin to make more money than what it took to qualify.

We also want to increase funding and availability of programs like the HOC Housing Choice Voucher program that allow people to pay rent based on their income. That way, people who have $0 income or live on social security checks can pay a portion of their income (say 30%) toward rent, and existing programs like the Housing Choice Voucher or Montgomery County Rental Assistance Program cover the rest.

HJM shares this worry completely. Our plan addresses it on multiple fronts: we want the first 2,000 new homes created through our social housing proposal to house those currently experiencing homelessness; funding Emergency Rental Assistance to prevent evictions before they happen; expanding the Emergency Moving Assistance program and eliminating the eviction-proceeding requirement; and establishing a 15-day grace period on rent — the same grace period homeowners with mortgages already receive — so a single late paycheck does not spiral into a crisis.

HJM also calls for place-based social services that bring resources to where people already live, and for caseworker accountability measures with job consequences for lack of action, so families do not fall through the cracks when they reach out for help.

Quality & Management

Will it be safe, well-run, and maintained?

HJM's campaign demands include a comprehensive code enforcement upgrade: a dedicated hotline, web portal, and email for direct tenant complaints; upgraded inspections that test for mold and other hazards; and a requirement that DHCA prioritize unsafe conditions. Tenants must receive a written timeline for corrective actions after every inspection, with real accountability for repairs.

HJM also calls for a user-friendly public database of code violations, tenant complaints, and legal actions for all rental properties, sortable by property owner and management company. Repeat violators should face stringent restrictions on acquiring additional properties.

HJM's plan calls for sustained, legally protected funding streams — not one-time grants — so that housing management and maintenance cannot be cut during tight budget years. Revenue mechanisms such as a dedicated property tax and a Housing Initiative Fund lockbox are specifically designed to prevent the government defunding that caused 1900s public housing, like the “NYC Projects,” to deteriorate.

At the building level, HJM's code enforcement demands — guaranteed repair timelines, financial penalties for non-response, and a public violation database — apply to all rental housing including publicly managed housing. Independent oversight with community representation is essential.

HJM's demands include caseworker accountability measures for responsiveness, with potential job consequences for lack of action. Our plan also calls for a Young Builders Program — a workforce development initiative where young people learn skills in the building trades while constructing and servicing public and social housing, in exchange for housing guarantees. This creates a staffing pipeline while directly benefiting young residents.

Staffing must be planned at program inception, not as an afterthought. HJM's place-based social services model envisions on-site staff providing resources where people live, reducing both burden on residents and gaps in service.

Yes. This is a cornerstone of HJM's platform. Our demands include place-based social services — bringing support to where people live.

HJM also calls for Permanent Supportive Housing (PSH) to be funded significantly. PSH provides long-term housing subsidies paired with on-site case management, healthcare, and other services for residents facing the most complex challenges. Our Deeply Affordable Housing Plan calls for funding at least 2,770 PSH households, recognizing that housing stability and health are inseparable.

Affordability

Will it stay affordable over time?

Because social housing is county-owned, the county — not a private landlord — sets the rents. HJM's plan calls for affordability protections to be written into legislation and property deeds, creating legal obligations that survive political transitions. HJM also proposes that the Housing Initiative Fund receive a dedicated, protected share of property tax revenue, so funding cannot be quietly reduced in future budget cycles.

HJM opposes relying on the private market alone. Our plan states clearly: the private market has not, and is unlikely to, meet the needs of our lowest-income neighbors. Only dedicated public investment with protected funding streams can deliver lasting affordability.

No — and yes! No, because even publicly owned buildings require money to maintain cleanliness, safe water, heat, cooling, and other essentials. Imagine you begin renting an apartment for $500 today. Twenty years later that apartment is still $500 — great for you! But twenty years from now $500 may only buy half as much as it does today, meaning it can no longer cover the wages of the people maintaining your building. So leaks go unfixed, mold grows, and pest control disappears. A small annual increase is necessary to avoid this.

But we still want to make sure rent can't jump huge amounts — like 10% in one year. HJM supports the existing rent stabilization law (Bill 15-23, which caps rent increases at 6% countywide), while pushing for social housing that goes far further. The cities of Rockville and Gaithersburg are currently exempt from rent stabilization. HJM wants those gaps closed.

Our plan proposes housing between $0 and $1,000 per month for people earning roughly $60,000 or less, with costs tiered affordably above that threshold. Because the county owns the housing, rent increases can be established in law and protected from being undone by future administrations.

HJM specifically calls for housing programs designed for single people and seniors — a group that is chronically underserved — alongside family-sized units. Our plan emphasizes that deeply affordable housing must be accessible to all household types: single adults, seniors on fixed incomes, large families, and people with disabilities.

HJM also calls for first-month's rent and security deposit coverage for low-income tenants, prioritizing seniors, refugees, and domestic violence survivors. We recognize that upfront moving costs are themselves a barrier to stable housing.

This is a core HJM goal. Our plan calls for providing housing at $0–$1,000 per month to families and individuals earning roughly $60,000 or less, with costs tiered affordably above that threshold. We want to make sure people can maintain stable and affordable housing, so they can stay in their apartment even if they begin to make more money than what it took to qualify.

HJM also calls for a county lending program offering down payment assistance for renters with over 10 years of renting history, free home-buying education, and a Families First policy that gives owner-occupants first priority over investors on home sales. These programs help residents build wealth and transition to homeownership, without forcing them out of stable housing.

Equity & Community

Will it be fair — for everyone, everywhere?

Geographic equity is central to HJM's vision. Our plan calls for inclusive zoning and upzoning — updating rules to allow affordable housing especially in areas currently restricted to single-family homes. We will actively meet with expected resistance by talking to neighbors in their own communities and sharing why deeply affordable housing matters in the places they live. We also call for using public land like underused public parking garages to build deeply affordable housing.

HJM also calls for limiting neighborhood vetoes: once an affordable housing project meets all zoning and safety requirements, it should not be stalled by repeated legal appeals designed to delay. Community collaboration must be central during planning — but after approval, the question must be “How do we make this work?” not “How do we stop this?”

HJM's answer is universality: social housing is not charity for “them.” It is public infrastructure for everyone. Our plan is designed to serve teachers, nurses, grocery workers, seniors on fixed incomes, people with disabilities, and young adults who cannot compete in Montgomery County's housing market. When 85% of renters earning under $50,000 pay more than they can afford, this is a crisis that touches nearly every working family in the county.

HJM addresses narrative directly through member organizing, public testimony, and community education. Members with lived experience of housing instability are the most powerful voices for change. These stories are central to our campaign, and they cannot be dismissed the way statistics can.

HJM's Deeply Affordable Housing Plan is explicit: failed 20th-century public housing failed because of deliberate federal disinvestment and political abandonment, not because public ownership of housing is inherently flawed. The structural safeguard in our plan is sustained, legally protected funding. Housing that is chronically underfunded will decline; housing backed by dedicated tax streams and a legally protected Housing Initiative Fund will not.

HJM also reframes the conversation around cost: housing a chronically homeless individual in permanent supportive housing costs roughly $18,000 per year; cycling that person through emergency rooms, jails, and shelters costs far more. Social housing is fiscally responsible, not wasteful.

Disability access is one of HJM's specific policy campaigns. Our Disability Retrofit Policy calls for: a county grant fund ($250,000–$1 million/year) for low-income renters and small landlords to fund accessibility modifications such as ramps, roll-in showers, and widened doors; a Tenant Modification Ordinance requiring landlords to honor modification requests and inform tenants of their rights; a public accessible-unit registry; temporary relocation assistance during major retrofits; and annual fair-housing accessibility training for all rental license holders.

HJM also calls for expanding Design for Life tax credits to multifamily buildings (currently they cover single-family homes only), giving disabled applicants formal waitlist priority in HOC housing lotteries, and setting a measurable target that at least 10% of affordable units are accessible to households at 30% AMI. These are specific budget asks with identified funding sources including CDBG, HOME Investment Partnerships, and the County Housing Trust Fund.

This hope is the foundation of everything HJM does. Our plan states clearly: if just under half of the county's new home production targeted extremely low-income families, we could effectively end chronic homelessness. Montgomery County's homeless population jumped nearly 30% in a single year, including over 100 families with children. Black residents make up roughly one-fifth of the county's population but over half of single adults experiencing homelessness. This is a racial justice crisis, not just a housing crisis.

Ending homelessness in Montgomery County is not a fantasy. It is a math problem that requires political will and sustained public investment. HJM's plan lays out what that investment looks like, where the money comes from, and how to spend it accountably.

Implementation

How do we actually build this?

HJM's plan identifies the county's existing tools as the foundation: the Housing Initiative Fund (HIF), Nonprofit Preservation Fund, Affordable Housing Opportunity Fund, Permanent Supportive Housing program, and Rental Assistance Program. These programs already work. The problem is that they are underfunded. HJM estimates that sustaining $300–$400 million per year in public housing investment could enable the county to produce 2,000+ deeply affordable units annually.

To reach that level, HJM proposes a blend of new revenue: a dedicated property tax for housing (every 1 cent on the rate yields approximately $22 million/year); a progressive income tax surcharge on incomes above $1 million; a mansion tax of 1% on home sales above $2 million; developer impact fees on commercial projects; and a voter-approved Housing for All Bond of up to $1 billion. All these funds should be legally earmarked for housing, not subject to annual budget reprioritization.

HJM's plan calls for five specific fixes: (1) inclusive upzoning to allow affordable housing in areas currently restricted to single-family homes; (2) eliminating parking minimums for affordable housing near transit, since structured parking can add $50,000+ per unit; (3) waiving impact fees and reducing permit fees for deeply affordable projects; (4) limiting neighborhood vetoes so that approved projects cannot be stalled by repeated appeals; and (5) allowing innovative construction methods such as modular housing to lower costs.

The guiding principle is to remove any red tape that does not meaningfully protect health, safety, or the environment. Fast-track permitting for deeply affordable projects — similar to what Seattle and California have implemented — is a concrete near-term ask to the County Council and Department of Permitting Services.

Call to Action

HJM's immediate legislative asks are: (1) Fund the Housing Initiative Fund at $300 million/year and require that 20% of HIF-supported units serve extremely low-income households; (2) Double the monthly Rental Assistance Program subsidy to $1,000 per month and expand eligibility immediately; (3) Fund Emergency Rental Assistance without requiring eviction proceedings; (4) Extend HOC vouchers so more people can get them; (5) Pass the Tenants with Disabilities Modification Ordinance; and (6) Establish dedicated housing tax streams to fund social housing.

HJM members can act right now: attend County Council Housing Committee hearings and testify, schedule meetings with your district council member, share your housing story publicly, and recruit neighbors into HJM. The path from demand to legislation runs through the relationships we build and the sustained pressure we apply together.